Polarization of Indian Politics

By Sunit Kumar Mondal, GNLU

Editor’s Note: This research paper aims to discuss and analyse the Indian Political scenario by making a critical scrutiny of the two major political parties and their ever changing ideologies. The Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) contesting for the Lok Sabha elections 2014, is by far anticipated to be the most entertaining elections in the history. As on one hand, Mr. Narendra Modi is confident about reaching the threshold 272+ Lok Sabha seats and on the other hand Mr. Arvind Kejriwal being optimistic about the swift development in the country lost his very hard earned position as the Chief Minister of New Delhi. Whatever be the outcome of the longest election in the country’s history, from 7 April to 12 May 2014, it will be the about the responsible decision making by the one’s in majority which will result in progress of the nation and not of any individual political association or individual.


We will start from the very grassroots, i.e. what exactly is a political ideology? Many political parties base their political action and program on an ideology. In social studies, a political ideology is a certain ethical set of ideals, principles, doctrines, myths, or symbols of a social movement, institution, class, or large group that explains how society should work, and offers some political and cultural blueprint for a certain social order. A political ideology largely concerns itself with how to allocate power and to what ends it should be used. Some parties follow a certain ideology very closely, while others may take broad inspiration from a group of related ideologies without specifically embracing any one of them.1

Political ideologies have two dimensions:

  • Goals: how society should work
  • Methods: the most appropriate ways to achieve the ideal arrangement

An ideology is a collection of ideas. Typically, each ideology contains certain ideas on what it considers to be the best form of government (e.g. democracy, theocracy, caliphate etc.), and the best economic system (e.g. capitalism, socialism, etc.). Sometimes the same word is used to identify both an ideology and one of its main ideas. For instance, “socialism” may refer to an economic system, or it may refer to an ideology which supports that economic system.

Ideologies also identify themselves by their position on the political spectrum (such as the left, the center or the right), though this is very often controversial. Finally, ideologies can be distinguished from political strategies (e.g. populism) and from single issues that a party may be built around (e.g. legalization of marijuana). Philosopher Michael Oakeshott provides a good definition of ideology as “the formalized abridgment of the supposed sub-stratum of the rational truth contained in the tradition”.2

Studies of the concept of ideology itself (rather than specific ideologies) have been carried out under the name of systematic ideology.Political ideologies are concerned with many different aspects of a society, some of which are: the economy, education, health care, labour law, criminal law, the justice system, the provision of social security and social welfare, trade, the environment, minors, immigration, race, use of the military, patriotism, and established religion. There are many proposed methods for the classification of political ideologies, each of these different methods generate a specific political spectrum.Today, many commentators claim that we are living in a post-ideological age,3 in which redemptive, all-encompassing ideologies have failed, and this is often associated with Francis Fukuyama’s writings on “the end of history”.4

In India, a dominant symbol in the ideologies of the major political parties like the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has been Swaraj and in Hindutva respectively. Historically, Swaraj lays stress on governance not by a hierarchical government, but self governance through individuals and community building. The focus is on political decentralization.5 While on the other hand, Hindutva is understood as a way of life or a state of mind and is not to be equated with or understood as religious Hindu fundamentalism. A Hindu may embrace a non-Hindu religion without ceasing to be a Hindu and since the Hindu is disposed to think synthetically and to regard other forms of worship, strange gods and divergent doctrines as inadequate rather than wrong or objectionable, he tends to believe that the highest divine powers complement each other for the well-being of the world and mankind.6 In India the majority of the population possess low standard of living, and more importantly, because of their low level of self and political awareness, the function of ideology in general and political ideology in particular is of special significance.



It’s hard to believe that the commencement of extremist ideology in Indian Politics was due the divide in the Indian National Congress that occurred in Surat, Gujarat, in 1907 between the so-called Extremists and the Moderates of the organization is perhaps the oldest political split in modern Indian history. It set the tone for subsequent splits in terms of language use and ideologies. This split offers an insight into the dynamics of political splits in modern India.7 On 26 December 1907 the separation of congress party men into moderates and extremists led to a widespread discontent which finally came to an end on December 29 and December 31, 1916 respectively during the Lucknow Pact which was an important landmark in India’s struggle for freedom as it brought the Extremist and Moderate sections of Indian National Congress together under one common interest for obtaining self-rule for the Indians. Indeed, the split in Surat revolved around the conduct of two individuals, Gopala Krishna Gokhale and Bala Gangadhar Tilak, who represented respectively the so-called moderate and extremist viewpoints in the Congress in relation to what should be done to annul the partition of Bengal and to win ultimately the self-governing status for India. Both had made heavy sacrifices in life. But their temperaments were widely different from each other. Gokhale was a “Moderate” and Tilak was an “Extremist,” if one may use the language in vogue at the time. Gokhale’s plan was to improve the existing constitutions (of the Congress); Tilak’s was to re-construct it. Gokhale had necessarily to work with the bureaucracy; Tilak had necessarily to fight it. Gokhale stood for co-operation wherever possible and opposition wherever necessary; Tilak inclined towards a policy of obstruction. Gokhale’s prime consideration was with the administration and its improvement; Tilak’s was service and suffering. Gokhale’s method sought to win the foreigner; Tilak’s to replace him. Gokhale depended upon others help, Tilak upon self-help. Gokhale looked to the classes and the intelligential, Tilak to the masses and the millions; Gokhale’s arena was the council’s chamber; Tilak’s forum was the village mandap. Gokhale’s medium of expression was English; Tilak’s was Marathi. Gokhale’s objective was self-government for which the people had to fit themselves by answering the tests prescribed by the English; Tilak’s objective was Swaraj which is the birth right of every Indian and which he shall have without let or hindrance from the foreigner. Gokhale was on a level with his age; Tilak was in advance of his times.8 It can be said that the Moderates were the brain of Congress while the Extremist were the heart; the former was the law and the latter was the impulse. The split in Surat brought out the divergence in the style of thinking, speaking and the manner politics was practiced. As a result, many ideologies evolved during and after the independence phase.

The Janata Party came into existence by a process of merger of several political parties. The Indian National Congress (Organization), Bharatiya Lok Dal, Bharatiya Janasangh and the Socialist Party merged into one political organization called the Janata Party, but within a few years Janata Party was split into the Bharatiya Janata Party, the Janata Party and Janata Party (S). The Janata Party (S) split into two groups, one of which finally became Lok Dal once again. This Lok Dal split again into two parties. Then we had the Janata Dal, which was a merger of the Janata Party and Lok Dal. At present the Janata party is once again split into numerous groups. Many political parties that had influence only in certain states or regions had also gone through splits. It is indeed very difficult to keep track of the political splits in India since the splits also lead to dynamic mergers sometimes very much similar to the conditions prevailing before the splits.9

Hindutva as an Ideology

“Hindutva is not a word but a history. Not only the spiritual or religious history of our people as at times it is mistaken to be by being cofounded with the other cognate term Hinduism.”10

Of all major political ideologies in India, Hindutva remains the most frequently misused. It has often been weaponized as a way to harness communal passions and incite Hindus against other religions. The idea of putting the “faith” of the majority community above that of the minorities and the mobilisation that finally led to the demolition of the Babri Masjid are clear illustrations of the majoritarian agenda. Mr. Advani himself and his colleagues in the BJP are firmly wedded to this agenda and the assurance on the floor of the Rajya Sabha against any attempt to turn India into a theocratic state is for this reason no cause for rejoicing. Ironically, there are more ideological similarities between Savarkar and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh’s political offshoot and the BJP than between the RSS and the Savarkar himself. Initially, the BJP was just as much a hard line organisation as the RSS and consequently just as distant from Savarkar. However, in recent times the party has abandoned the Hindu chauvinist rhetoric of its parent organisation in favour of a more moderate stand advocating the cultural element of Hindutva while at the same time emphasising that it supports peaceful coexistence of separate communities. While this has largely been done for reasons of political expediency, it still serves to bring the modern version of Hindutva in consonance with what Savarkar originally envisioned. The gradual moderation of RSS’s extremist views on Hindutva by the BJP is beneficial, in that it is gradually allowing for a return to the true all inclusive nationalist character of the ideology.

The way in which Savarkar viewed Hindutva may be summed up in a statement made by former PM Atal Bihari Vajpayee – ‘there is no difference between such Hindutva and Bharatiya, since both are expression of the same thought. Both affirm that India belongs to all, and all belong to India. It means that all Indians have equal rights and equal responsibilities. It entails recognition of our common nation culture, which is enriched by all the diverse culture.

Hindutva is now Communalism

Savarkar, whose name has lately become synonymous with communalism thanks to the BJP corruption of his beliefs, was himself an atheist. Not only this, but he publicly and on multiple occasions proclaimed himself as a “Hindu Atheist”, showing that his ideology was totally divorced from religion. Any question of his ideas being based on, or acting in furtherance of religious considerations is immediately negated by this fact. The difference between Hindutva and Hinduism was best elucidated by Savarkar himself in ESSENTIALS OF HINDUISM.11 Dedicating a passage to outlining what separates Hindutva from Hinduism, he writes: Here it is enough to point out that Hindutva is not identical with what is vaguely indicated by the term Hinduism. By an ‘ism’ it is generally meant a theory or a code more or less based on spiritual or religious dogma or creed. Had not linguistic usage stood in our way then ‘Hinduness’ would have certainly been a better word than Hinduism as a near parallel to Hindutva. Hindutva embraces all the departments of thought and activity of the whole being of our Hindu race. Therefore, to understand the significance of this term Hindutva, we must first understand the essential meaning of the word Hindu itself and realize how it came to exercise such imperial sway over the hearts of millions of mankind and won a loving allegiance from the bravest and best of them. But before we can do that, it is imperative to point out that we are by no means attemption a definition or even a description of the more limited, less satisfactory and essentially sectarian term Hinduism. How far we can succeed or are justified in doing that would appear as we proceed.12

Enemies and Allies

Indian National Congress was being considered as an internal enemy ever since dawn of extremism and constant allegations have been produced against them. The major one being that the Congress Party cannot muster sufficient votes on its own and it needs to ally itself with the Muslims, Communists and other anti-Hindu minorities in order to keep the Hindu majority down and out of power. There were situations where the Bharatiya Janata Party have alleged that the Congress party was not truly interested in the Unity of India, or else it would logically ally itself with the pro-Hindu parties and obtain an absolute majority as a legitimate representative of the Indian Nation the majority of which is Hindu. They BJP continues to allege that India being ruled by a coalition of minority vote banks whose sole common interest is to keep the Hindu majority down and accelerate the decline of Indian culture and civilisation so that it can be finally replaced by Westernization.13 While Congress plays the same card of communal and vote bank politics against Mr. Narendra Modi and the Bharatiya Janata Party.14

Individualistic Approach

Mr. Atal Bihari Vajpayee in one his press conferences had a message for Mr. Modi that was to follow ‘Rajdharma’.15 Rajdharma proceeds to guide the individual to incorporate spirituality  in  his/her  work  life  and  in  his  personal  life.  The  thoughts  do  not  focus  on traditional or orthodox values and visions of religious duties, but on techniques by which one can become an effective competitor in the world market. The spiritual dimension refers to the revival of inner strength, which is a sensitivity which can be felt and experienced but not measured. This prepares the individual to cope with the environmental scramble and existential stress. It also helps the individual to become a naturally happy person with no real gap between his public and private face. Such persons become inspired workers and their inspiration is derived from spiritual strength and reinforced by positive thinking.16

‘I, Me, Mine’ is the running theme of Narendra Modi’s election campaign in which he was pushing an agenda based on Majoritarianism.17 Majoritarianism is a traditional political philosophy or agenda which asserts that a majority (sometimes categorized by religion, language, social class or some other identifying factor) of the population is entitled to a certain degree of primacy in society, and has the right to make decisions that affect the society. This traditional view has come under growing criticism and democracies have increasingly included constraints in what the parliamentary majority can do, in order to protect citizens’ fundamental rights.18

We have encountered Mr. Narendra Modi’s individualistic approach to any situation before, but now again during his Prime Ministerial campaigning we have encountered similar instances during his speeches. Let’s talk about the 272+ rallies he has planned to attend for campaigning of his prime ministerial candidature. Even though, he had the slightest idea of the problems of the state he had claimed betterment of the same, even by criticising every ruling party of the state. During this electoral campaign every rally he has been to, there was a positive response from the citizens.19 With the rings of Modi Sarkar ringing throughout the nation it feels like there is only one party contesting the elections. That indeed is not a good sign of a democratic government as stated before.

Communal Thinking

‘I am a nationalist, I am patriotic, nothing wrong in that, so Yes, you can say I am a Hindu Nationalist”– Mr. Narendra Modi

The above statement was made by him in an interview at his residence in Gandhinagar, Gujarat.

Even though he has received a clean chit from the Supreme Court regarding the Godhra riots of 2002 in Gujarat but still it remains a controversy with the new dimensions added to the facts one in a while. For instance, D.G Vanzara former DIG, ATS, Gujarat Police have brought a whole new aspect of the story through his letter to the Gujarat Government. Vanzara is the same person who is serving sentence for the fake encounters of Sohrabuddin (Sheikh), Tulasiram (Prajapati), Sadiq Jamal and Ishrat Jahan. In the letter he have mentioned that he being a field officer, have simply implemented the conscious policy of the state government, and thus directed towards the prime ministerial candidate Mr. Narendra Modi.20 He also claims that the reason for his silence is his loyalty towards the Modi Government.

More similar statement have been made by Vanzara in his letter, but the question here would be that whether it would act as a threat towards the ministerial prospects. Vanzara’s letter is both revealing and disturbing. Revealing because he claims that he implemented what the authorities asked him to do, disturbing because those authorities are the ones who happen to be in power in Gujarat.

In 2007, Modi began his election campaign with a speech in which he praised Vanzara for being a valiant officer. Why is it that the same officer now wants to speak the truth?

Whether it was genocide, whether it was cold-blooded murder, whether it was in the name of encounter, whether it was hushing up those cases and trying to promote those who were involved in it from beginning to end? Still remains a mystery.

Power Hungry

India’s 176 million Muslims are generally considered to be an important “vote bank” that can help or deny victory to competing political parties. A vote-bank refers to a loyal bloc of voters from a single community, who, en masse, back a political party during an election. Mr. Narendra Modi with very well knowledge about that is acting as a mature politician, by keeping his communal thinking aside and attending rallies in both Hindu and Muslim dominated areas of the country and giving them the assurance of a better government. This is the same individual who did not give party ticket to any Muslim individual during his 2007 State Election.21 This indeed shows the power hungry approach he has adopted during this presidential election. He has grown as a politician and as an individual, and with the developed attitude his hunger for power has amplified.

Vibrant for all?

Vibrant Gujarat, something which has been popularised throughout the nation is limited to the urban areas of the city, with capitalism playing a major role in the state. But is Gujarat Vibrant for all? Mr. Modi’s extensive connections with the capitalist class of the economy within the national barriers as well as internationally in which Israel tops the list, may act as a blessing for the economy with their huge amounts of foreign investment.22 But is it really uplifting the community which needs the needs the help of the state. Gujarat for instance has distinguished and designated areas of residence for every individual working class.

One of the wealthiest and most industrialized states in India, Gujarat serves as a kind of crown jewel of Modi’s campaign, which calls for a resurgence of the nation’s overall moribund economy. Although, as per the statistics go, the infant mortality rate and the malnutrition affected citizens is increasing at a minimal rate due to failure of the newly introduced Maternal Health Scheme.23

Following this would be an analysis of the Mr. Modi’s better half i.e. his opposition in this year’s presidential election. They emerged from a social group and within the time span of an year have challenged the dream of attaining 272+ majority seats of Bharatiya Janata Party in the Lok Sabha. They are none other than the Aam Aadmi Party.



Aam Aadmi party has emerged as the most recent party which is known to be formed by the advent of civil society groups. It began with the coming together of middle class people who were determined to launch a campaign to mobilise the masses to support their demand of

getting a corruption free nation. The main leaders of which were Anna Hazare and Arvind Kejriwal, which later split resulting in Kejriwal’s formation of Aam Aadmi Party with the

ideology of Swaraj. This mobilisation of groups and turning against corruption can be recalled from the two major anti-corruption movements in the past decades both swapped the whole country. One was the Jayaprakash Narayan movement in the 1970s which toppled Indira Gandhi and the other was VP Singh movement in the 1980s which toppled Rajiv Gandhi. This AAP movement can be seen as the third such movement of the same kind.24

Civil Society Movements

Jaiprakash Narayan’s work is considered as the most efficient in bringing a revolution by launching a civil society movement. He was a deep supporter of Socialism and considered it as his ideology. After completing his studies in United States, he came back India and joined Indian National Congress in 1929. During the Indian Independence Movement, he was arrested and tortured by the British. After his release, with the help of other national leader, he formed Congress Socialist Party (CSP) which was a left-wing group within the Congress.

But working in Nehru’s party, he got deeply disillusioned by his experience of socialism in India. So he led CSP out of Congress and led it as an opposition party with the name Praja Socialist Party. His contribution in the party didn’t last much as he left the party because the tickets were distributed on caste bases. He got deeply discouraged as the party didn’t follow its ideology. In 1957, he pursued Sarvodey and Lokniti (polity of the people) and opposed Rajniti (polity of the state). His ideology of Sarvodaya and Lokniti became popular wide across the nation. He described Sarvodaya as a consensus based, class-less, participatory democracy.25 He formed a student’s movement for the widespread of his ideology, which came to be known as JP movement.

A sudden turn appeared when Allahabad High Court found Indira Gandhi guilty of violating electoral laws. JP immediately called Indira Gandhi to resign, but she announced emergency. JP asked police and military people to disregard these unconstitutional and immoral orders. He attracted a gathering of 10 lakh at Ramlila ground, which shows his power and ability to attract people against any wrong in the society. Throughout his life he sticked to his ideology, without any fail and even promoted other to follow his ideology. After Indira Gandhi revoked emergency, JP under his guidance formed Janata Party which came into power and formed first non-Congress party to form a government in centre.

JP’s movement describes the power and the role of civil society in transforming the nation by letting the common people to form political party. A similar wave is seen in the present time, with the formation of Aam Aadmi Party but the question arises is that, whether AAP is sticking to its ideology as Jayaprakash Narayan did?

Another instance when civil society came together and transformed the nation was the formation of India against Corruption (IAC) and a similar movement of 2011-anti corruption movement. It is an organisation affiliated to the Hindustan Republican Association, founded on Oct 3, 1924 at Kanpur26. It is still working on its ideology of Poorna Swaraj. Further, the 2011-anti corruption movement was a campaign to mobilize the masses against corruption in India. The movement was launched by middle class people with the help of attractive faces such as of Baba Ramdev, a popular yogi who has a million supporters, but his connection to the Sangh Parivar; lead the downfall of his popularity. The next popular face who headed the movement was Anna Hazare, a social reformer, who had a history of undertaking fast in support of his cause. Further a team came up of renowned people such as Arvind Kejriwal, Kiran Bedi, Shanti Bhusan, Justice Santosh Hedge and many more.27 They made all their efforts to force, request, persuade, pressurize the government to pass the Jan Lokpal Bill, which is considered as an effective deterrence against corruption. Anna Hazare followed by Arvind Kejriwal did several fast , peaceful protest, courting arrest and several negotiations

with the government to pass the Jan Lokpal Bill, but all their efforts gone in vain and the government didn’t passed the Jan Lokpal Bill. Further Arvind Kejriwal took the step to clean the dirty politics by directly forming a people party, known as Aam Aadmi Party. Anna Hazare was never in support of Mr. Arvind Kejriwal’s decision therefore from this juncture both of them split and Kejriwal moved with AAP and Anna with Janatantra Morcha.

Hope for a transformation

Arvind Kejriwal leaded his party with the ideology of Swaraj and Anti-corruption i.e. the complete participation of the people in politics or people’s democracy. With the first election which AAP contested, resulted in its victory and AAP formed its government in Delhi with the alliance of its rival Congress Party. This brought a hope for a change in the minds of the people and their perception towards the Indian Politics. Since, AAP encouraged the participation of the general public on the political pitch; people expected transparency in the procedure of the system. This sudden advent actually created a sense of nationalism along the entire country as a whole and people started believing the methodology adopted by the AAP in every possible field. In addition, the good thing with AAP is that it apparently is showing that it cares for Aam Aadmi and is fighting against corruption.

Advent of the Aam Aadmi Party

26 November 2012, Aam Aadmi Party was formally launched. Appearing as a 3rd option, AAP got a huge public support which resulted in its rapid increase in its popularity. With no wastage of time, the party members began its promotion, Arvind Kejriwal as the Chief Ministerial candidate of the party did several promises to the people of Delhi which are to be fulfilled if the party wins the election. AAP made its debut by contesting the 2013 Delhi State Government elections. The result of Delhi elections came as a shock to the two leading parties INC and BJP as the third option AAP emerged as the second highest majority party by winning 28 seats out of the total 70. Further AAP made a minority government with the support of their rivals Indian National Congress. Unfortunately the AAP government lasted for only a period of 49 days, with the resignation of the then Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal.

Now we’ll cite several instances where the AAP took decisions which over-ruled their own ideology i.e. the decisions which violated the ideology of Swaraj or the participation of people in politics. Before contesting the Delhi elections, AAP declared that they’ll not take support of any other political parties as all of them are corrupt. With the result of the election, when no party was in complete majority, BJP leading with 31 seats, followed by AAP with 28 seats and Congress with 8 seats, to form the government either of the party had to come in alliance with the other party to cross the hurdle of 35 seats. BJP and AAP stood on their premise of not taking any support of other party. But all of a sudden, a U-turn was seen in AAP as they organised a self determined poll in Delhi, asking the Delhi people the question of forming the government with the support of Congress or not?28 The survey was performed of a few lakh people of whom the majority voted in support of AAP’s formation of government with coalition with Congress. To begin with, the population of Delhi is over 2 crore of which the survey was done of a few lakh people, the mere show of hands survey is not the process of election of a government as it is not transparent in itself or accountable in its own. This raised the question on the majority opinion of the Delhi people. Coalition with Congress means no adherence with their own ideology, be it Swaraj or Non coalition politics or even ousting the corrupt ruling Government. This decision of AAP was against their own ideology as they took the support of the party which was in itself corrupt, for forming a government against corruption. This shows that Arvind Kejriwal rendered the people without a democratically elected government.

The second instance was of the dharna protest, which Arvind Kejriwal did as a CM against the Delhi police. The issue raised was of the raid commenced by the AAP law minister Somnath Bharti of the two Ugandan women’s of running a sex racket in the Khirki ext. This act committed by the then Law minister was unlawful as he committed the raid without any warrant. The reason why police was unwilling to make a raid was that they were having no warrant against the Ugandan ladies. This was the instance when the law minister took law in his own hands.29 On this, the CM Arvind Kejriwal did a dharna protest in support of the act of his law minister Somnath Bharti, which resulted in disruption of law and order. All the other works which a CM is supposed to do were on stake. The police on whom the question arose was present as a security of Arvind Kejriwal, leaving the whole city unattended. The normal life of people was affected and over all there was a loss of public property and public revenue. The issue on which this whole act was performed was an individual issue, which could have been solved by local executive body. This act of AAP was not for the people but against the people.

The third instance was of the resignation of Arvind Kejriwal from the Chief Ministers position. With the failure of tabling the Jan Lokpal Bill in the assembly, Arvind Kejriwal left his CM position which can also be referred as running away from his responsibility. The reason for the resignation which Arvind Kejriwal gave was the unconstitutional act of the MLA’s of Delhi assembly i.e. asking the central government to pass an act in the UT of Delhi.30 With just a passage of 48 days, Arvind Kejriwal left his post was a wrong decision. There were further negotiations required with the Central Government for the passing of the Jan Lokpal Bill, what the government did is that it acted hastily. It should have taken other remedies to take the Central government in the confidence inter alia.31

Effect of the fall

The most drastic effects of Mr. Kejriwal’s resignation were the policy confusion caused in the state. In the course of AAP’s government Mr. Arvind Kejriwal did launched few schemes such as 667 litres of free water was made available for the Delhi citizens on daily bases32, people consuming electricity of 1-400 units were provided electricity with half rates33, a 50% electricity waiver was announced by the government for all the defaulter in the period October 2012 to April 2013 and several helpline numbers were launched34 but all of it went in vain as there is a policy confusion that whether the schemes launched by Mr. Arvind Kejriwal will still continue after his resignation or not? Even the Delhi High Court puts a stay on AAP’s 50% electricity waiver policy as it did not allocated the funds to the Delhi Government.35

All the above instances lead to the violation of the ideology of Aam Aadmi Party by themselves. Most of the policies of AAP went against general people, there was a show-off of peoples democracy as most of the decisions of AAP was arbitrary.

Following this section would be the conclusion of our research paper.


Hindutva as an ideology is secular and liberal in nature but various Hindu nationalist forces such as Bharatiya Janata Party is distorting the ideology into Hindu fanatism, Mr. Narendra Modi claims to be a Hindu nationalist and glorifies the Hindu religion in all his rallies and speeches but what these organisations are undermining is the essence of the ideology of Hindutva. Savarkar wanted to unite the whole country under one banner that is Hindutva. He wanted regionalism to come to an end along with caste system. He wanted to reform the hindu society so as to make it a collective force that he believed one day could make India the most powerful nation in the world. Further, his idea of Hindustan has been distorted and contemporary politics in India by political parties like BJP and AAP are dividing the country on the basis of region and caste.

As India’s 2014 election looms, the question is whether the so-called Indian Muslim vote bank can look beyond Narendra Modi’s political record and the nationalist pro-Hindu proclamations of certain members of his party, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). While on the other hand, Aam Aadmi Party Leader Arvind Kejriwal had worked hastily or in urgency, they skipped from its ideology and ran on the path of the dirty politics which the other parties are doing. During the 49 days tenure, the work of AAP didn’t seem for the people but all they did was for their own populism. Just after the fall of Delhi government, AAP started to spread its ambit all across the country by announcing to contest the Lok Sabha election of 2014 on major number of seats. This clearly shows the urgency of Arvind Kejriwal as he is practicing opportunism for the sake of reaching the threshold of 272+ Lok Sabha seats and not for the overall development of the country.

We often claim that political parties will do anything for power. True enough. But this claim is not incompatible with the efficacy of ideology. Many of the constituents attached to particular parties feel profoundly empowered by their access to the state. This sense of empowerment is rooted in ideological assumptions about the importance of state power to securing justice and a sense of self-esteem alike. The presence of corruption is cited as evidence of declining ideology. But often corruption itself is a product of ideological assumptions about politics. What often the middle class sees as the corruption of a Laloo or a Mulayam, their constituents see as a necessary step to creating a different social order.

We complain that politicians will sacrifice principle for votes. This complaint is more of an indictment of the people who vote than the politicians who court them. But this complaint tacitly acknowledges the efficacy of ideology. If politics depends upon mobilising people, there has to be a set of shared ideas that brings people together. Often this idea may be the ruling ideas of our politics are burdened with so many limitations that they are unable to give our world any degree of coherence, but the most enduring sources of ideology, a continual struggle to define the relations between the privileged and the dispossessed, and an anxiety over our collective identities, remain central to Indian politics.

The contemporary Indian political scenario is that the parties although having different ideologies, practice opportunism for the sake of reaching the threshold of 272+ Lok Sabha seats and not for the overall development of the country.

Edited by Hariharan Kumar

1Ideology. Last accessed on Saturday, 15 March 2014, 5:30PM http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ideology#Political_ideologies

2 Michael Oakeshott. Rationalism in Politics and Other Essays. (1991) Indianapolis: Liberty Press. Pp. 224

3. Bell, D. The End of Ideology: On the Exhaustion of Political Ideas in the Fifties (2000) (2nd ed.). Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, pg. 393

4. Fukuyama, F. (1992)The End of History and the Last Man. USA: The Free Press, XI

5. Parel, Anthony. Hind Swaraj and other writings of M. K. Gandhi. Cambridge University Press. Cambridge. 1997

6. The Hindutva Judgement, 1995, Supreme Court of India

7. Mazumdar, A.C., 1915 The Indian National Evo1ution. Reprint by Michiko “&” Panjathan, New Delhi, 1974.

8 Pande B.N. (Ed.) 1985. Concise History of the Indian National Congress 1885-1941. Vikas Publishing House, New Delhi.

9. Sitaramayya, P. B. 1947. The History of the Indian National Congress (1935-1947). Vol. 2. Padma Publications, Bombay

10 V.D Savarkar, Hindutva: Who is a Hindu? (1923; reprint New Delhi: Bharatiya Sahitya Sadan, 1989), Pp.- 7

11. D Savarkar, Essentials of Hinduism, 1928

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